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Conceptual Blending and
Religion
2007
pdf version
Perhaps the most notable characteristic of the human mind is its
profound ability to create and comprehend symbols. Indeed, humans have
been designated “the symbolic species” (Deacon 1997). While other
intelligent animals may be taught token level abstractions, even the
least capable human beings form sophisticated symbolic networks that
permit them to speak languages, engage in fantasy, and form
metarepresentations (Wilson 2003). Even though symbol usage has long
been considered a defining human characteristic, it has only been in the
last few decades that researchers have proposed general theories about
the cognitive processes that make this world of abstractions possible.
One of the most comprehensive theories available is that of conceptual
blending (Fauconnier & Turner 1998, 2002). Conceptual blending proceeds
from the notion that the mind can take structures and inferences from
one domain and combine it with elements from another domain to form
concepts with novel emergent structure. In short, conceptual blending
helps to explain how humans create new ideas, a focus which has been
lacking in most prior theories about thought and comprehension.
Theorists have shown conceptual blending to be operative in literary
creation (Dancygier 2005), in mathematics (Nuñez 2005), and in notions
about time (Williams 2004; Nuñez & Sweetser 2006) but it is only
recently that conceptual blending has been used to understand aspects of
religious thought (Sørenson 2007).
Few aspects of human behavior are as deeply symbolic as religion.
Religion develops within a world of abstractions. Numerous researchers
have collaborated to seek the cognitive underpinnings of religious
thought and behavior. They have coined this new field the cognitive
science of religion. Some of the most important ideas from this
discipline tacitly rely upon the process of conceptual blending. For
instance, Pascal Boyer’s highly influential ideas about supernatural
concepts derive from the processes of conceptual blending. According to
Boyer, supernatural concepts activate a set of ontological
categories—schematic representations about such things as animals,
objects, and people—which are then counterintuitively tweaked and
blended. Myths about half-men/half-beast chimeras, about deathless
humans, and about celestial orbs with psychological properties capture
the imagination by blending ontological categories. Consider this
Winnebago myth:
…he [Trickster] said to the waterfall, ‘Remove yourself to some
other location for the people are going to inhabit this place
and you will annoy them.’ Then the waterfall said, ‘I will not
go away. I chose this place and I am going to stay here.’ ‘I
tell you, you are going to some other place,’ said the
Trickster. The waterfall, however, refused to do it. ‘If you
don’t do what I tell you, I will not use you very gently.’ Then
the waterfall said, ‘I told you when I first spoke that I would
not move and I am not going to.’ Then Trickster cut a stick for
himself and shot it into the falls and pushed the falls onto the
land. (Radin 52)
Like most myths, this one imparts a set of supernatural ideas that
follow the contours of Boyer’s theory about counterintuitive
violations. In particular, through a process of anthropomorphization
the waterfall is denoted as a mental agent. According to Boyer,
whenever myths and supernatural tales make these sorts of violations
they gain the listener’s attention and achieve a high level of
memorability (2000). Borrowing Dan Sperber’s notion of an epidemiology
of representations (1996), Boyer posits these slight advantages in
memorability as significant enough to spell the difference between a
forgotten tale and one that is communicated over and over again to eager
ears. But how is it that human beings can even understand
counterintuitive concepts? How can the human mind entertain the notion
that something like a waterfall, which has none of the attributes of a
human being, might be a creature with its own desires and a personality.
Though Boyer does not make the assertion, it is clear that such
instances of supernatural concepts rely on conceptual blending. Here is
a brief diagram of the single-scope blend that goes on as part of the
‘backstage cognition’ (Turner 1997) to convey this counterintuitive idea
of an anthropomorphized waterfall:

The dominant structure comes from the folk model of the person. The
resultant stubborn waterfall gains all the normal intuitive expectations
from the ontological category of person except for the fact that it is
not a person, it is a waterfall. Nevertheless, through this
single-scope blend most people have no trouble conceiving of this
sentient waterfall and will even find in easier to recall and
communicate a story that relies on these sorts of minimal violations
than a more mundane story about ‘real’ characters. In Boyer’s
terminology, this representation involves a natural object with a
transfer of psychological expectations. But it is by the process of
conceptual blending that we can account for the generation and
comprehension of counterintuitive ideas.
The first cognitive scientist of religion to explicitly draw from
conceptual blending theory in order to model religion is Jesper Sørensen.
In A Cognitive Theory of Magic, Sørensen relies upon blending
theory to understand magical ritual. He writes: “…religious and magical
rituals involve a blended space consisting of elements projected from
input spaces themselves created by elements from two general
domains—‘sacred’ and ‘profane’—and structured by a ritual frame” (63).
It is this relationship between sacred and profane realms that lies at
the heart of the blended space known as magical ritual. Depending on
the magical ritual, the outcome may be a change in the physical world, a
change in the spiritual world, or a transformation of the material world
into the spiritual world. Any of these processes require a high level
of abstraction and a mixture of profane objects and sacred ones. One
might argue that the essence of magic is this blending of ontologically
distinct realms. Sørensen provides a representation of this generic
framework in the following diagram:

The sacrament of communion is an example of this process readily
available to everyone familiar with the Catholic ritual. The
philosophy/theology behind the transubstantiation of the host holds that
while the tangible host remains the same—just an unleavened sliver of
bread—its essence has been transformed into the very ‘stuff’ of Jesus
Christ. This transubstantion is effected through the ritual of
communion and through the special powers vested in the priest. Sørensen
provides the following diagram of the ritual:

What is schematically represented in the diagram above is the ritualized
repetition of a mythical story about Jesus and the Last Supper. The
priest, taking on the symbolic identity of Jesus, repeats the ritualized
language of the Last Supper. For the language of this, one may look to
the Gospel of Luke: “…he took the bread, gave thanks and broke it, and
gave it to them, saying, ‘This is my body given for you; do this in
remembrance of me.’ In the same way, after the supper he took the cup,
saying, ‘This cup is the new covenant in my blood, which is poured out
for you’” (22:19-20). Given the details of the narrative, one discerns
that the diagram presented by Sørensen fails to capture important
details. The following diagram stipulates more of the intricacies of
the ritual:

To
make sense of this ritual and understand its theological and
metaphorical efficacy, one must consider the special ideas of the person
implied. Namely, the bread and wine of the meal and the flesh and blood
of Christ both serve as SUSTENANCE which ties into a complex cultural
model of food and eating. But whereas bread sustains the body, it is
the grace of Christ (mediated through the consumption of his body and
blood) that sustain the soul. The following helps to unpack these ideas
of the person as they relate to the ritual of communion.

Behind a ritual like communion lies a number of such cultural models
about persons and objects. Conflating ontologically distinct
categories, like body and soul, lies at the heart of magical ritual.
Conceptual blending shows great promise as a tool to better understand
the complex abstractions behind religion. While theorists like Boyer
have not yet appreciated how blending lies behind important ideas, such
as that of supernatural concepts, others—like Sørensen—have made it
central and explicit. As a means to understand the backstage cognition
behind highly symbolic concepts, conceptual blending will surely find a
place in the future of the cognitive science of religion.
References
Boyer, Pascal
2000 “Functional Origins of Religious Concepts: Ontological and
Strategic Selection in Evolved Minds.” The Journal of the Royal
Anthropological Institute 6(2), pp. 195-214.
Dancygier, Barbara
2005 “Blending and Narrative Viewpoint.” Language and Literature
14(2): 99-127.
Deacon, Terrence
1997 The Symbolic Species: The Co-Evolution of Language and the
Human Brain. London: Penguin.
Fauconnier, Gilles & Mark Turner
2002 The Way We Think. New York: Basic Books.
1998 “Conceptual Integration Networks.” Cognitive Science
22(2):133-187.
Nuñez, Rafael
2005
“Creating Mathematical Infinities.” Journal of Pragmatics
37:1717-1741.
Nuñez, Rafael & Eve Sweetser
2006
“With the Future Behind Them” Cognitive Science 30:401-450.
Radin, Paul
1972 The Trickster: A Study in American Indian Mythology.
New York: Schocken Books.
Sørensen, Jesper
2007 A Cognitive Theory of Magic. Walnut Creek, CA:
AltaMira Press.
Sperber, Dan
1996 Explaining Culture: A Naturalistic Approach.
Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Publishers.
Turner, Mark
1997 “Backstage Cognition in Reason and Choice.” http://markturner.org/backcog/bcframe.html
Williams, Robert
2004 Making Meaning from a Clock. PhD Dissertation. UCSD.
Wilson, Deirdre
2003 “Metarepresentation in Linguistic Communication.” In Dan
Sperber (ed.) Metarepresentations. Oxford: Oxford University
Press, pp. 411-448.
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